The political tide that once seemed to be carrying radical socialist Democrats into office now appears to be receding, and the latest sign is coming from an unlikely source: organized labor.
The New York chapter of the AFL-CIO, the nations largest labor union, released its endorsements for the November elections. According to Western Journal, conspicuously missing from the list were three left-wing House candidates who had been embraced by the progressive movement, including two insurgents backed by New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani. The decision underscores a growing reluctance, even among traditionally left-leaning institutions, to align themselves with the most radical elements of the Democratic Party.
The AFL-CIOs move comes after a summer that began with momentum for the far left but has since stalled. Following a string of strong primary showings for socialist and progressive candidates in June and July, August delivered only a narrow win for heavily favored Abdul El-Sayed in the Michigan Senate primary and a stunning defeat for Francesca Hong in the Wisconsin gubernatorial primary, despite her double-digit lead in the polls. Only one race, the Florida senatorial primary won by state Rep. Angie Nixon, resembled an upset, and even that victory may have backfired strategically. By elevating Nixon, Democrats may have turned the seat into a genuine contest, making it far more likely that Republican interim Sen. Ashley Moody will secure a full term.
In its Wednesday endorsements, the AFL-CIO declined to back three House candidates closely associated with the far left: Darializa Avila Chevalier, Brad Lander, and Laura Gillen. As reported by the New York Post, the union instead opted to remain neutral in those contests, a notable snub given its historical role as a reliable ally of Democratic candidates. For a labor giant that has long leaned left, this neutrality is not mere fence-sitting; it is a signal that the union is wary of tying itself to candidates whose ideology may be out of step with working-class voters.
Chevalier and Lander, both endorsed by Mamdani, are still expected to win comfortably due to the heavily Democratic composition of their districts. Yet their victories in the primaries came at the expense of incumbent Democrats and were marred by allegations of anti-Semitic undertones. Chevalier ousted Rep. Adriano Espaillat, a long-standing favorite of labor unions, in New Yorks 11th Congressional District. Lander, a former city comptroller, defeated Rep. Dan Goldman in the 10th Congressional District, further deepening concerns that the partys activist wing is willing to target mainstream Democrats with increasingly divisive tactics.
Gillens situation is more precarious and potentially more consequential for the balance of power. She currently holds a seat in Long Islands Nassau County, a region that has shown itself to be a genuine battleground in recent cycles. The AFL-CIOs refusal to endorse a sitting Democratic representative in a swing district is a serious setback, particularly in what is shaping up to be a bruising contest against Republican nominee Jeanine Driscoll. Without the organizational muscle and ground game that union backing can provide, Gillen faces a steeper climb in a race Republicans now have every incentive to contest aggressively.
The stakes are underscored by Gillens latest campaign tactics, which suggest a candidate on the defensive. As the New York Post reported, she has circulated a mailer accusing Driscoll of supporting a $42 million tax increase in the town of Hempstead, a charge that does not withstand scrutiny. Driscoll serves as Receiver of Taxes in the Nassau County town, an administrative role that involves collecting taxes, not setting them; the hike in question was approved by the Town Board, not by her office. Laura Gillen trying to blame me for tax hikes is like demanding a tax cut from the IRS administrator I collect the bills, I dont set the rates, Driscoll said, neatly capturing the absurdity of the accusation and highlighting a familiar Democratic tactic of smearing Republicans as tax-hikers regardless of the facts.
Gillen, now in her first term, remains the nominal favorite in the 4th Congressional District, but the AFL-CIOs decision to sit out the race could open a door that Republicans are well-positioned to walk through. In a cycle where control of Congress may hinge on a handful of competitive seats, even a modest shift in resources and attention toward Nassau County could transform what might have been a sleepy contest into a genuine pickup opportunity for the GOP. For conservatives, the unions neutrality is a welcome sign that the far lefts grip on the Democratic coalition is not as firm as advertised.
More broadly, the AFL-CIOs refusal to endorse Chevalier, Lander, and Gillen suggests that the Democratic Socialists of America and their ideological allies are encountering real limits at the ballot box. I do think there is a ceiling at this point, one Democratic socialist admitted to Politico after Hongs defeat, an acknowledgment that the movements appeal may be confined to deep-blue enclaves and activist circles rather than the broader electorate. When even Big Labor is unwilling to lend its imprimatur to socialist standard-bearers, that ceiling may be far lower than progressives had hoped, and it may be conservatives with their emphasis on economic freedom, public safety, and traditional values who stand to benefit from the backlash against radicalism.
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